Welcoming the arrest of war criminal Goran Hadzic (although it must be noted that there has been a vast delay), we consider it is necessary to ask Serbian authorities several questions:
1. Who is going to answer, if anyone will, for many years of successful hiding of Hadzic from justice? (This question also concerns the helpers in hideout of Ratko Mladic and others)
2. Will the arrest of Goran Hadzic, suspected of involvement in the deportation of thousands of Croatian civilians and prisoners of war in concentration camps in Serbia, disclose the information about the concentration camps throughout Serbia (Stajićevo, Begejci, Sremska Mitrovica, Aleksinac, Belgrade, Nis...)?
3. Is it high time to initiate court proceedings against those responsible for torture and killing of Croatian civilians and prisoners of war in Stajicevo, Begejci, Sremska Mitrovica, Aleksinac, Nis and elsewhere?
4. Will someone finally allow dignified memorialisation of the places of torture and suffering, such as camps in Stajićevo, Begejci and others, as it has been requested for years by the family members of those killed and the survivors from these concentration camps, as well as by civil society organizations, among others Women in Black?
5. Will the undisputed fact that private property of Goran Hadzic and his family (and not only of them) have been acquired by wartime looting, is still going to be ignored, while Serbia- as in many previous similar cases – continues to financially support Hadzic and his defense before the ICTY?
6. Will the full truth about the missing persons in Vukovar and other places of actions of Yugoslav National Army (JNA), the forces of Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs and Serbian paramilitary units, is finally going to be disclosed, and will the locations of the graves of Croatian victims are going to be discovered, since that is only possible by opening the archives of the former JNA?
7. When will the responsibility of leadership of the former Yugoslav People's Army for crimes committed in Croatia, including in particular urbicide in Vukovar, be established?
8. Will the completion of Serbia's cooperation with the ICTY start a radical review of public attitude towards the wars in the 90-ies, and of Serbia's responsibility for these wars? When will the truth about these events become part of the formal education process, since changes like this more or less do not exist?
Belgrade, July 20th 2011.
